Abstract
Inclusive education is now a legal expectation in Australian schools, yet a persistent gap remains between policy commitments and everyday classroom practice. Framed by an ecological model and anchored in the Disability Standards for Education 2005 (Cth), this dissertation examined how inclusive education policy is implemented in Australian schools and the barriers that constrain its enactment. A qualitatively driven convergent mixed methods design combined 20 interviews with teachers and school leaders with a survey of 250 classroom teachers and support staff. Reflexive thematic analysis identified seven implementation barriers, of which inadequate in-class support, the policy-practice translation gap and the workload of differentiation were the most prominent. The survey confirmed that these barriers were widespread and showed that classroom teachers reported lower self-efficacy and weaker familiarity with the Standards than school leaders. The study concludes that inclusive policy is enacted unevenly because needs-based funding, teacher preparation and specialist resourcing do not reliably reach the classroom, and it advances implications for Australian schools and systems.
Introduction
Australia has committed, in law and in policy, to educating students with disability alongside their peers. The Disability Standards for Education 2005 (Cth), made under the Disability Discrimination Act 1992 (Cth), oblige schools to consult families and to make reasonable adjustments so that students with disability can participate in education on the same basis as other students. This commitment sits within a broader architecture that includes the needs-based funding model recommended by the 2011 Review of Funding for Schooling, commonly known as the Gonski review, the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers published by the Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership (AITSL, 2017), and the annual Nationally Consistent Collection of Data on School Students with Disability (Australian Government Department of Education, 2023). The scale of the task is considerable, given that a substantial share of school-aged Australians live with disability (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2019).
Despite this framework, implementation remains contested. The national review of the Standards found that awareness among educators was uneven and that adjustments were applied inconsistently across sites (Commonwealth of Australia, 2020). More recently, the Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability (2023) documented continuing segregation, gatekeeping and under-resourcing in Australian schooling, concluding that the promise of inclusion had not been realised for many students. The difficulty is therefore not an absence of policy but a gap between policy intent and the conditions under which teachers enact it. Understanding that gap requires attention to the classroom as the point where system commitments either become practice or fail to.
This dissertation examines inclusive education policy implementation in Australian schools and the barriers that shape it. Three research questions guided the study:
- What barriers do teachers and school leaders identify when implementing inclusive education policy in Australian schools?
- How prevalent are these barriers across a wider population of teachers, and do they vary by professional role?
- How do resourcing, the funding model and teacher efficacy shape the enactment of policy in the classroom?
Literature Review
The Australian policy landscape
Inclusive education in Australia is governed by a layered set of instruments. The Disability Standards for Education 2005 (Cth) translate anti-discrimination law into specific obligations to consult, make reasonable adjustments and eliminate harassment. Professional expectations reinforce these obligations, with the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers requiring graduates and in-service teachers to differentiate teaching and to support the full participation of students with disability (AITSL, 2017). The Nationally Consistent Collection of Data on School Students with Disability records the level of adjustment provided to each student, from quality differentiated teaching through to extensive support, and increasingly informs funding (Australian Government Department of Education, 2023). Needs-based funding, and the student with disability loading within the Schooling Resource Standard, was intended to direct resources to where need is greatest. Yet as the national review observed, familiarity with the Standards among teachers was inconsistent and enactment varied widely between schools and jurisdictions (Commonwealth of Australia, 2020).
From integration to inclusion
Conceptually, inclusion is more than the physical placement of students with disability in mainstream settings. Ainscow (2020) describes inclusion as an ongoing process of reducing barriers to the presence, participation and achievement of all learners, rather than a fixed state to be reached. Australian scholarship echoes this position: Graham (2020) argues that inclusion demands the transformation of ordinary teaching and school organisation, not the addition of separate provision at the margins, while Cologon (2019) documents how deficit views of disability continue to shape practice even where inclusive language has been adopted. This literature reframes the implementation problem. If inclusion is a whole-school process, then the relevant barriers are located not only in individual classrooms but across the interacting levels of the system in which teachers work.
Teacher efficacy, differentiation and the implementation gap
A recurring theme in the literature is the central role of teachers and the conditions that enable them. Teacher self-efficacy for inclusive practice, defined as a teacher’s belief in their capacity to teach diverse learners effectively, is a robust predictor of inclusive attitudes and behaviour and can be measured reliably (Sharma et al., 2012). Efficacy is supported by preparation and by workable classroom strategies. Differentiation, the deliberate adjustment of content, process and product to student readiness and need, is the core practice through which inclusion is realised (Loreman et al., 2011), and Australian evidence syntheses affirm that well-structured differentiated teaching is both feasible and effective when teachers are adequately supported (Australian Education Research Organisation [AERO], 2023). The gap in the literature is that these strands are rarely examined together in the Australian setting, and the lived barriers to enacting policy are asserted more often than they are documented from teachers’ own accounts. This study addresses that gap through a mixed methods design.
Methodology
Conceptual framework and design
The study adopted a qualitatively driven convergent mixed methods design (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018), in which interviews carried the primary analytical weight and a concurrent survey established the prevalence of the barriers identified. Data collection and analysis were organised around an ecological framework, adapted from Bronfenbrenner (1979), that positions the student within nested levels ranging from macro policy to the classroom, as shown in Figure 1. The framework directs attention to how policy is enacted downwards through the system and how accountability evidence flows upwards, and it provided the structure for interpreting where implementation breaks down.
Participants and procedure
The interview sample comprised 20 educators recruited from government and non-government schools across three Australian states, spanning primary and secondary settings. It included 12 classroom teachers, 5 learning support or inclusion coordinators and 3 principals or deputy principals, selected purposively to capture variation in role, sector and school size. The survey sample comprised 250 teachers and support staff recruited through professional networks and school newsletters. Of these, 198 were classroom teachers and 52 were school leaders or learning support staff; 71% taught in the primary years and the remainder in secondary settings. Interviews of 40 to 55 minutes were conducted by videoconference during one semester, and the survey was administered online over the same period.
Data collection and analysis
The interview schedule invited participants to describe how they translated the Standards into practice, the adjustments they made, and the obstacles they encountered. The survey combined closed items with a barrier checklist derived from the early interviews. Teacher self-efficacy for inclusive practice was measured with items adapted from the Teacher Efficacy for Inclusive Practices scale (Sharma et al., 2012), and further items assessed familiarity with the Standards, the frequency of documented adjustments, and the perceived adequacy of in-class support. Interviews were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2021), with codes developed inductively and organised against the ecological levels in Figure 1. Survey responses were summarised using descriptive statistics, and the barrier checklist was used to estimate the prevalence of each interview-derived theme. Integration occurred by comparing the qualitative themes with their survey prevalence in a joint interpretation.
Ethical considerations
The study was approved by the administering university’s Human Research Ethics Committee and was conducted in accordance with national ethical guidelines for research involving humans. Participation was voluntary and based on written informed consent, responses were de-identified, and interview participants were assigned pseudonyms. Because school and role combinations can be identifying, quotations are reported without naming schools or systems.
Findings
Barriers to implementation
Reflexive thematic analysis produced seven barriers to policy implementation, which were then tested for prevalence in the survey. Table 1 presents each barrier alongside the number of interview participants who raised it and the proportion of survey respondents who agreed it affected their practice. Inadequate in-class support was the most pervasive barrier, reported by 19 of 20 interviewees and endorsed by 82% of the survey sample. Applied to the full survey, that proportion represents 0.82 multiplied by 250, or approximately 205 respondents, indicating that resourcing was not a marginal concern but a majority experience. The policy-practice translation gap and the workload of differentiation followed closely.
Table 1: Implementation barrier themes identified in interviews (n = 20) and their prevalence in the teacher survey (n = 250)
| Barrier theme | Description | Interviews reporting (n = 20) | Survey agreement (% of 250) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Inadequate in-class support | Insufficient teacher aide and specialist time to enact planned adjustments | 19 | 82 |
| Policy-practice translation gap | Standards understood in principle but not operationalised in daily teaching | 17 | 74 |
| Differentiation workload | Time to plan, deliver and document adjustments and NCCD evidence | 16 | 71 |
| Low preparedness and efficacy | Limited pre-service and ongoing preparation for inclusive practice | 15 | 69 |
| Funding not reaching classrooms | Needs-based loadings absorbed before reaching student support | 14 | 66 |
| Limited specialist access | Long waits for allied health and system support staff | 12 | 58 |
| Inconsistent leadership and culture | Whole-school commitment to inclusion varies by site and leader | 10 | 49 |
Note. Interview counts are the number of participants who raised each theme. Survey agreement is the percentage of the 250 respondents who agreed the barrier affected their practice.
The interview accounts gave these figures texture. Several teachers described support that existed on paper but thinned before it reached the classroom. As one primary teacher put it, “the funding is described in the plan, but by the time it reaches my room it has become half an aide, two days a week” (Participant 7). The translation gap was expressed as a distinction between knowing the policy and enacting it: “we can all recite the Standards, the hard part is the adjustments on a Tuesday afternoon with thirty students” (Participant 3). These accounts locate the difficulty not in teacher intent but in the conditions of practice.
Variation by professional role
Table 2 reports selected survey measures separately for classroom teachers and for school leaders and support staff. Classroom teachers reported lower self-efficacy for inclusive practice, weaker familiarity with the Standards, and markedly lower confidence that funding reached classroom needs. Both groups rated the adequacy of in-class support poorly, but leaders were more optimistic about the funding model than the teachers enacting it. The difference in self-efficacy between the groups was moderate. Using a pooled standard deviation of 0.81, the standardised difference is
d = (4.6 – 4.1) / 0.81 = 0.5 / 0.81 = 0.62,
a moderate effect by conventional benchmarks. This role-based divergence is consistent with the policy-practice gap: those closest to enactment perceived the system as less adequate than those responsible for its administration.
Table 2: Selected survey measures by respondent role (N = 250)
| Measure | Classroom teachers (n = 198), M (SD) | Leaders and support staff (n = 52), M (SD) |
|---|---|---|
| Self-efficacy for inclusive practice (1-6) | 4.1 (0.9) | 4.6 (0.7) |
| Familiarity with Disability Standards 2005 (1-5) | 3.2 (1.0) | 4.1 (0.7) |
| Weekly use of documented adjustments (1-5) | 3.6 (0.9) | 3.9 (0.8) |
| Perceived adequacy of in-class support (1-5) | 2.4 (1.0) | 2.9 (1.0) |
| Agreement that funding reaches classroom needs (% agree) | 21 | 38 |
Note. Higher scores indicate more of each construct. The final row reports the percentage of each group that agreed funding reaches classroom needs, rather than a mean.
Discussion
The findings answer the first research question by identifying seven barriers that span the ecological levels in Figure 1, from macro funding to classroom workload. Read together, they show that implementation failure is not attributable to any single level but to the interaction between them: a well-intentioned funding loading at the macro level is diluted at the school level and experienced at the classroom level as inadequate in-class support. This systemic reading is consistent with the argument that inclusion is a whole-school process rather than an individual competency (Graham, 2020) and with the national review’s finding of uneven enactment across sites (Commonwealth of Australia, 2020).
The second research question concerned prevalence and role. The survey confirmed that the leading barriers were majority experiences rather than isolated grievances, and the role comparison in Table 2 exposed a revealing divergence. Classroom teachers, who convert policy into daily practice, reported lower efficacy and far less confidence that funding reached their students than the leaders who administer the system. This gap matters because teacher self-efficacy is a reliable predictor of inclusive practice (Sharma et al., 2012); where teachers doubt both their preparation and their resourcing, the motivational conditions for sustained differentiation are weakened.
The third research question drew resourcing, funding and efficacy together. The results suggest that the needs-based funding model, intended to direct support to where need is greatest, is not consistently visible at the point of delivery. Participants did not dispute the principle of the loading; they disputed its arrival. Differentiation, the practice through which inclusion is realised (Loreman et al., 2011) and which the evidence base shows to be effective when teachers are supported (AERO, 2023), was constrained less by teacher unwillingness than by time, documentation demands and thin classroom support. This locates the policy-practice gap in the conditions of enactment rather than in attitudes, echoing Cologon (2019) and the Royal Commission’s conclusion that structural under-resourcing continues to limit inclusion (Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability, 2023).
Several limitations qualify these conclusions. The survey used self-report and a non-probability sample, so the prevalence estimates describe the participating cohort rather than the national teacher population. The design was cross-sectional and cannot establish causal ordering among efficacy, resourcing and practice. The interview sample, although varied, was modest and concentrated in three states. Finally, student outcomes were not measured directly, so the analysis speaks to the conditions of implementation rather than to its effect on learners.
Implications and Conclusion
Three sets of implications follow from the analysis:
- School practice: because efficacy and differentiation were constrained by workload and support rather than by attitude, schools should protect planning time, streamline the documentation of adjustments and NCCD evidence, and ensure that allocated support reaches classrooms in usable form rather than being absorbed elsewhere.
- System policy: the divergence between leaders and teachers on funding suggests a need for greater transparency in how the student with disability loading is distributed within schools, so that needs-based funding is traceable to the classrooms it is intended to support, in line with the obligations of the Disability Standards for Education 2005 (Cth).
- Preparation and evidence: initial teacher education and ongoing professional learning should strengthen efficacy for inclusive practice against the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (AITSL, 2017), drawing on validated differentiation strategies (AERO, 2023).
In sum, inclusive education policy in Australia is comprehensive in its ambition but uneven in its enactment. This study found that the gap between policy and practice is produced not by resistant teachers but by a chain of dilution in which macro commitments lose force as they descend through the system to the classroom. Inadequate in-class support, the difficulty of translating the Standards into daily teaching, and the workload of differentiation were the most widespread barriers, and classroom teachers experienced the system as less adequate than those who administer it. Read through an ecological lens, the task for Australian schools and systems is to align funding, preparation and support so that policy commitments are realised at the level where they matter most, the classroom in which students with disability learn.
References
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